“The State” and “The Police State” are Synonymous Terms

Conservative folk are always yammering about “The Government” and how they seek to be “free” from “the government.” The term is never defined, of course. What they may be thinking of is “The State.”

We find ourselves talking a lot about the “police state” these days. However, in Friedrich Engels’ view, as The State arises in a class society (e.g. USA, EuroZone etc.) it is automatically, by nature, a “police state.”


Engels continues: “As distinct from the old gentile [tribal or clan] order,[2] the state, first, divides its subjects according to territory….”

This division seems “natural” to us, but it costs a prolonged struggle against the old organization according to generations or tribes.

“The second distinguishing feature is the establishment of a public power which no longer directly coincides with the population organizing itself as an armed force. This special, public power is necessary because a self­-acting armed organization of the population has become impossible since the split into classes…. This public power exists in every state; it consists not merely of armed men but also of material adjuncts, prisons, and institutions of coercion of all kinds, of which gentile [clan] society knew nothing….”

Engels elucidates the concept of the “power” which is called the state, a power which arose from society but places itself above it and alienates itself more and more from it. What does this power mainly consist of? It consists of special bodies of armed men having prisons, etc., at their command.
We are justified in speaking of special bodies of armed men, because the public power which is an attribute of every state “does not directly coincide” with the armed population, with its “self­acting armed organization”.

Engels excerpts from “Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State,” quoted in “The State and Revolution” reprinted entirely online at marxists.org – look for the “PDF” version there.

Engels’s “Origin of the Family, Private Property and The State” – more an anthropology text, than a political-economy text.

I already made this point earlier today, but posted this on one of the Bernie groups where people were bashing people not planning to vote Biden, as if this were going to bring on Dictatorship America–

“Something to keep in mind:

“The Police State exists in 500+ American cities. Another way to say it is, the State consists of “special bodies of Armed Men” who preserve the existent relations of production — the system of private property, the rulership of the corporations, etc.

“Police forces are the outposts of The State. They enforce State power.

“The election of the President will have ZERO impact on the Police State (or just, The State).

“It will continue on as it always has…”

(Change my mind)

A police state operates in U.S. cities, large or small…

The call to disband or defund local police-state outposts (city police departments) are The People’s attempt to assert power. The full program for The People’s power is to demolish the class system altogether.

Americans should not think that by disbanding or defunding local police departments, the police state can be brought under control. If local efforts are successful, we will see the police state federalized, as for example, in the Portland situation in the summer of 2020.

Principles of Unity for an Abolish Inequality Task Force

The following Principles of Unity have been worked out democratically by poor people organizing themselves, and are principles by which the Poor People’s Army functions–slight mods have been made in points 1 and 16. We suggest adopting these for an Abolish Inequality Task Force based in Wisconsin, as well.

1. We support and lift up poor people’s leadership, particularly low-income women and women of color. We seek to develop this new leadership continuously.
If problems arise, we agree to sit down and find resolution in order to move forward for the best interest of the movement.

2. We identify and address the root causes of our poverty.

3. We support the international poor people’s movement as we work locally.

4. We are building a movement that enacts the future we want to see – one based on a cooperative economy and society.

5. We organize for power. This means embracing tactics and strategies that help move the movement towards political independence. We are interested in enacting an alternative paradigm framed on the needs of the movement rather than those of corporate-controlled political parties.

6. We are committed to peace even as we daily suffer violence – the violence of unemployment, hunger, and homelessness. We have a right to feed, clothe and house our families – this is not up for negotiation. We also have a right to speak for ourselves about these inhuman conditions in which we live and have a responsibility to shed light on those that benefit both directly and indirectly from our collective misery.

7. We have a right and a duty to protect our families and each other.

8. We are collectively creating our vision for a different kind of world. We commit ourselves to daily political education, and do not take our leadership roles lightly. We will not allow ourselves to be bought or co-opted.

9. We are committed to making and controlling our own media.

10. We recognize the need for a radical break with the status quo of progressive politics. We can no longer afford to hold onto old models of organizing that do not challenge capitalism. We must actively seek a significant paradigm shift, looking to other peasant models in the rest of the world and organize across borders.

11. We recognize the intersectionality of our oppression. Racism, classism, sexism, xenophobia, homophobia, abilism, and transphobia intersect in the ways we experience daily violence. However, we will not allow the police, social workers, doctors, scholars, clergy, nonprofits, or political parties to divide us along these lines.

12. We know the entire global capitalist economy is disrupted and undermined as new laborless electronic technology is applied to production, permanently replacing hundreds of millions of workers. These workers are cast out of, or to the margins of the economy, with little or no ability to buy the necessities of life. These workers are a new class created by robot/AI production. Our job is to build unity among this new class based on common poverty.

13. We acknowledge that this country was built on white supremacy, imperialism, colonialism, and militarism, and we resist the ongoing perpetuation of these systems of violence.

14. Our work breaks with the military, prison, nonprofit, and faith industrial complexes.

15. We honor our ancestors, lifting up their histories and work so we may learn from them and share their knowledge with the generations to come.

16. Completely independent of all political parties, including any alternative parties to the two-party system, we are building poor and working class political leadership and representation. We can no longer afford to have our movements used as the ‘base’ of the Democratic and Republican parties – especially at a time when the political elite of both parties are directly or indirectly participating in the diminishment of workers’ rights.


Nouriel Roubini – Ten Deadly Drivers of a Greater Depression

“and I pointed out there were ten deadly drivers of this disruption and economic deficiencies.

This started after the Global Financial Crisis, but they are being exacerbated by this Coronavirus crisis.

Things like tax deficits and default.
Poor demographics is going to be a big liability.
Or initially deflation, followed by debasement of currencies as we monetize the fiscal deficits; we’re going to end up, eventually with inflation.
We have features of disruption with A.I. and automation.
And then, rising inequality.
And then you have de-globalization, as there is a backlash against trade, immigration and open markets.
And then you have a democracy backlash.
And then from there you go to this duopolistic rivalry between the U.S. and China,
and the digital rivalry between U.S. and China as well.
And you finish with deadly, manmade disasters like pandemics and climate change–they’re not natural disasters, but as we know are manmade.

You combine these ten forces–and they’re all very disruptive–and you might have, eventually, a greater depression. But this is not the story for this year or next, but for the middle of the decade.”

It’s about survival, plain and simple

General Gordon Baker, Jr., a co-founder of Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement (DRUM) and the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, spoke briefly on the impact that robotics was having on particularly the black workers in the auto industry in Michigan. This segment was part of a longer interview done by “Chicago John” Hough and posted in September 2011.

As far back as the “turn of the century,” in the early 2000s, having organized the League of Revolutionaries for a New America, General Baker along with Nelson Peery, had been warning that the introduction of robotics and artificial intelligence into the point of production, was going to lead to several processes in political economy that would tend to “break capitalism” and decimate our working class.

What Gen is talking about in this video is the tendency to create a permanent class of people pushed outside of production and marginalized to a point where the family’s quest is for “survival, plain and simple.” This process began with the black workers in auto, and spreads outward from there. Everywhere the marginalization process in U.S. communities of the 21st century has begun with black workers, and workers of color generally.

“And lo and behold, Chicago, by the time we finished most of those battles, then we’re confronted with this thing where uh, where all the robots began to enter the plants. And all the work that you’d done to advance your cause, and the tactics for jobs and things, are now being eliminated in mass by robots. And uh, the whole struggle for equality in the workforce, been transferred to the struggle for survival. Survival, plain and simple because we got, we not no way, we got no way to live.

“So that poses the question we got now. Really, I mean, without jobs, how we supposed to live? There are no jobs on the horizon. But does that mean, does a job mean, that’s your ticket to livelihood? I mean, you can’t live without a job? Is that, is that the kind of contradictions in the world we fighting for? Uh, because it’s clear to us now, that the robots were so much more productive than we were, so they don’t need us in the workplace.

“So now we gotta pose the question about, how we gonna live, in the current world? So you’re talking about a real change in the system that we’re living under, and the people’s perspective of it. I mean, a job has been a, it’s used as a discipline in the family. You know, the kids get old enough, you say, ” get out and get a job!” Now, how you gonna do that now, when there ain’t none?

“You know I mean, so this whole question of jobs, and how we live, what kind of society we’re gonna have, and who got a right to live and who doesn’t? Who can eat, and who can have a home and who can’t? All those questions are being thrown into–it’s a moral question, that we got to deal with. And even though we fight to resist the attacks that are put upon us, we gotta have, kind of a vision of, what kind of a world do we want? You know, what direction we want to go in?”